Yemeni Doctors are Everyday Heroes

In celebrating #WorkersDay, #Yemen'i doctors working in absolute hard circumstances deserve the warmest applause. pic.twitter.com/B49qHyYxFu

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) May 1, 2016

Yemen Talks

In a remarkable reversal of al-Qaeda's fortunes, the Yemeni military backed by Saudi and Emirati ground and air support drove al-Qaeda out of the major southern cities over the weekend. The campaign began weeks ago with forces driving east from Aden into Lahj and Abyan, and was joined over the weekend by a massive campaign in the east that rooted al-Qaeda out of Mukulla, where it was firmly entrenched since April 2015. Yemeni forces marching south from the Saudi border prevented al-Qaeda from entering the interior wadi region of Hadramawt and secured key oil facilities and military bases.

Al-Qaeda clearly made a tactical decision to retreat in the face of an overwhelming show of force by the coalition, as it has done in the past only to reappear again, but the rapid retreat of al-Qaeda from the main southern cities is a major victory.

At the peace talks in Kuwait, after an initial delay of three days waiting for the Houthi-Saleh representatives to arrive, the talks have again stalled as little progress has been made. The Houthis and Ali Abdullah Saleh want an end to the air campaign while Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi wants to focus first on demilitarizing the Houthi militias and removing Houthi forces from the northern cities. On a positive note, the U.N. special representative to Yemen, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, emphasized that the cease-fire does seem to be gradually taking hold, though fighting and air strikes continue in the Taiz region in particular. Representatives of the two sides remain in Kuwait so further on and off negotiations are expected this week. – Middle East Institute

Yemeni Photographers Fight Despair and Trauma of War

My latest feature published on Middle East Eye about what I discovered at the recent photography workshop at The Yemeni Salon in Jordan.

–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––

Abdulrahman Jaber used models to pose as war-weary Yemeni bride and groom for his 'Situation'
series of images (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

It is nearly one year since the Saudi-led coalition began their bombing campaign in Yemen and Yemenis are constantly trying to find new ways to express their feelings about the tragedy unfolding in their country.

For Yemeni photographers who had to leave their homeland, they are not only turning to their photographic craft to cope with the pain of longing and separation from their families and loved ones, but they are also creating alternative narratives about the reality of what it now means to be Yemeni. A narrative that goes beyond the headlines and one which tells the stories of the people on the ground and those forced into the diaspora.

This relationship between the war and displaced Yemeni photographers was the topic explored at a two-day workshop in Jordan last month run by the Yemeni Salon Organisation. Founded in 2012 by myself and my colleague Hana al-Khamri, the Yemeni Salon organisation is a diaspora group focusing on cultural and media empowerment projects about Yemen.

As a Yemeni who has been in self-exile in Sweden for the past five years, I prepared myself for the discomfort of seeing how the diaspora is expanding – a sign of how tragic the situation in Yemen is – and how we are finding ourselves in a position where we must be the voice of our people. I knew the workshop would be emotionally exhausting as it addressed heartbreaking stories about the conflict and subsequent displacement.

The work of the photographers certainly presented a very different view of the situation in Yemen compared to the narrative presented in mainstream media.

Despite being scattered around the world, the photographers' work showed how the war impacted each of them - and revealed their resilience. Among the five Yemeni photographers exhibited, two of them - Abdulrahman Jaber and Yasmin Al-Nadheri - had a particularly deep impact on me; so let me present their work.


My father’s last days

When Yemeni photographer and designer Abdulrahman Jaber decided to leave Yemen after the war broke out last year, little did he know that he was about to face the most difficult experience of his life: the death of his father while he was abroad. His passion for photography was to play an important role in how he fought the agony of the deeply felt loss.

Jaber’s interest in photography goes back to before the war. “I’m a designer who’s a shy photographer,” said Jaber. Jaber’s modesty is admirable, given that his photography and design work in Yemen have been receiving great attention since 2005. His particular brand of photograph is usually characterised by it's stylishness and simplicity. When the revolution erupted in 2011, Jaber was one of the first local photographers who rushed to Change Square in Yemen's capital Sanaa. It would be rare to see him without his camera, as so much of his time was taken up capturing inspiring moments from the epicentre of the revolution.

Following the armed clashes in Sanaa at the end of 2011, Jaber was inspired to showcase how the people of the city were attempting to forget about the seemingly constant hail of bullets and the sound of gunfire, and to just go on with their lives.

"I was struck by how it was becoming the norm that you would be at a wedding with loud celebratory music being played and dancing people swirling around while you could hear the sound of gunfire echoing just outside as different groups were clashing. The people at the wedding weren’t panicking nor would they stop the wedding party,” explains Jaber, they just carried on.

That is how his series of photographs titled Situation was born, depicting the strong desire of the people to continue their normal lives, despite what was going on around them.

Abdulrahman Jaber tries to show the reality of a wedding day in a Yemen at war. Togetherness and tradition combined with the unavoidable elements of the war raging on the streets of Sana'a (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

The artist tries to depict how Yemeni's continue living their lives despite war (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

Brides are supposed to be the happiest on their special day, yet in his 'Situation' series of photos Jaber depicts brides in Sana'a as being worn out by the fierce armed fighting that does not pause for their big day (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

A portrait of the groom in Jaber's 'Situation' series. He wears a soldier's hat to symbolise the
violence in the city which rages on (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

As the war raged around him, in March 2015, Jaber turned his camera to his private life and made the brave and candid decision to document and share one of the most poignant events in his life - the death of his father. 

“Due to the deteriorating security situation and the worsening health care services, it was extremely difficult to obtain the crucial medical assistance for my father, especially when he needed it the most,” says Jaber.

In the course of Jaber’s father being medicated at home and increasing numbers of visits to the hospital, Jaber made the decision to document his father’s last days. Jaber explains: “I created a journal of photographs of him while I was in Sanaa and when I left to go to Turkey, my brother, Suhaib, continued taking the photos. It was just a few weeks after I left that I received the devastating news that my father had passed away.

"I had to share the photographs. I called the collection of his final images My Father’s Last Day. While the pictures certainly say volumes about the harsh reality of life in Yemen, I think sharing these pictures is a way to celebrate the memory of my beloved father too.” 

A portrait of Jaber's late father, Hassen Mohammed Jaber during the last days of his life (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

Jaber's father often got daily check-ups from one of his sons (Courtesy of Addulrahman Jaber)

After a struggle to get him the help he needed, Jaber's father was admitted to
hospital for treatment (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

Following the struggle to get Jaber's father admitted to hospital, family members always
 made sure to surround him with love and support (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

Jaber's father in his funeral shroud before being laid to rest. Photo taken by Suhaib Jaber (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

Jaber's father is now buried in Sana'a (Courtesy of Abdulrahman Jaber)

The truthfulness and sincerity in this series are so strong because it also mirrors a greater picture of many Yemeni families losing loved ones due to the deteriorating health services.

Jaber today is trying to make sense of his new place in Turkey and he continues to immerse himself in more design and photography work.

Photography beyond borders

Social activist Yasmin al-Nadhri attributes her recent interest in photography to her lifelong passion for art and fashion. When she left Sanaa to go to Egypt for work just days before the war broke out, she had no clue that she would be leaving Yemen for good and would end up utilising photography as means to relate to the war in her country.

Her scheduled flight back to Sanaa coincided with the exact day that the Saudi-led coalition began its air strikes against Yemen; all flights home were cancelled.

With just the few clothes she had with her, al-Nadhri found herself stranded in Egypt. Due to the war and the increasingly tense security situation, she decided that going home was not a safe option and has not been back since.

During her travels for work going between Egypt, Germany, and Jordan, she kept a close eye on developments in Yemen through social media networks and has contributed to photography projects and initiatives taking place inside the country, including the #YemeniWomenBike (2015) and #YemenCoffeeBreak campaigns.

Her belief in the urgency of enhancing women's rights in Yemen compelled al-Nadhri to participate in the Yemen Women Bike campaign with photos not only intended to support the campaign but also to amplify women’s voices in the light of the war.

Despite her frustration of being stranded in Egypt, al-Nadhri created a photography collection depicting a Yemeni female in a modernised version of Yemeni women’s traditional outdoors-outfit known as sitar, while biking near the pyramids in Cairo.

“The context of Yemen at war inspired me to take this photo,” explains al-Nadhri, “seeing my country from far away being devastated by the war broke my heart. Yet, all the while our women and girls are fighting for their rights. I needed to show my support. I took the photo in Egypt hoping to show another side of the war and show that even stranded Yemenis want to show their connection to their homeland.” 

A photo of Yasmin al-Nadhri in a modernised version of Yemeni women’s traditional outdoors-outfit known as sitar - taken for the #YemeniWomenBike campaign (Courtesy of Yasmin al-Nadhri)

When it came to the #YemenCoffeeBreak campaign, al-Nadhri again had the urge to participate in the campaign, despite being in Jordan. She went to the Amman Citadel and took a photo depicting a woman holding Yemeni coffee in the palms of her hand.

Al-Nadhri used the great resemblance between the Citadel and the throne of Queen Bilquis in Yemen’s Marib city. “While Yemen is increasingly becoming polarised and divided, more so each day, coffee was one of the few things that still united the people. Coffee was actually a message of peace for many of us who participated in the initiative,” al-Nadhri says.

“With both photos I thought it was important to show the role of photography in supporting and uniting our community; more specifically to show that photography goes beyond borders.” Al-Nadhri made the decision not to show her face in the photos to emphasise that the images could be timeless and conceptual.

A Yemeni woman at the Amman Citadel holding Yemeni coffee in the palms of her hand (Courtesy of Yasmin al-Nadhri)

Spanish artist Pablo Picasso once said: “Art is the lie that enables us to realise the truth.” The alternative narrative created by these photographers for what is taking place in Yemen is artistic, but it also seeks to tell a different truth. Between fiction and non-fiction, their work has empowered the photographers to fight despair and trauma.

From the stories of displaced Yemenis; when I met a Yemeni fellow in Jordan

*Raphaël Khouri suggests going to a Yemeni restaurant in Amman for dinner. She thinks Yemeni food is sophisticated. And we go. We arrive and I tell her, 'it's been almost 5 years; I haven't gotten the chance to have food at Yemeni restaurants. I don't want to make a drama & cry here. I will only take a picture of the restaurant name 'Bab AlYemen'. She encourages me to embrace the drama but we laugh. We order different yummy Yemeni dishes. We finish with happy faces & full stomachs. At the hall, I get stopped by the Yemeni waiter. We chat a bit. I say, 'God how I miss Yemeni food.' He asks me, 'are you Yemeni?' To make the long story short, we discover that we both come from the same area in Sana'a. We describe the roads, the blocks, the neighborhood, etc. We feel how close we are. He has been displaced by the war. He left Sana'a 2 months ago. His family & kids are still in Sana'a. He tells me how he's sad that he had to leave them. We look at each other & sense each other's sigh. A drop of tears wants to escape his eyes & mine. I see his pride won't allow him to cry. My heart breaks. I secretly say, 'fuck wars, fuck political leaders, fuck politics, fuck everything evil in this life.' This happens in a matter of seconds. Someone interrupts us. 'Do you want tea, Afrah?' I think it would have been nice if I can order a cup of global justice for my fellow Yemenis. 'No, but thank you. I must leave now.' I walk down the stairs & the Yemeni waiter whispers, 'let me know if I can be of any help (ya bent bladi), you the daughter of my country!'

_____________________________
*Orginally published on my Facebook. 

Saleh Going Mental

The war is taking its toll on Saleh's mental health. Yemen's ousted president says: Yemeni people are patient ones. They can go back to stone age and fire woods for cooking; they won't be like the people who'd be needing Kabsa (rice meal served in Saudi & Gulf countries), or Chocolate, or bukhoor (scented bricks). A clip from his yesterday's televised talk.

The war is taking its toll on Saleh's mental health. Yemen's ousted president says: Yemeni people are patient ones. They can go back to stone age and fire woods for cooking; they won't be like the people who'd be needing Kabsa (rice meal served in Saudi & Gulf countries), or Chocolate, or bukhoor (scented bricks). A clip from his yesterday's televised talk.
Posted by Afrah Nasser on Saturday, January 9, 2016

UN-sponsored Yemen peace talks start in Switzerland

"Peace talks between Yemen’s warring parties have begun under UN auspices at an undisclosed location in Switzerland, aimed at clinching a permanent ceasefire and a political transition," -The Guardian

Realignment of Yemen's Identity Politics

Yemen in Sam Kalda's illustration

*As a blogger on Human Rights issues in Yemen for the past six years, I am stunned by the growing polarisation in the country; to take an even-handed stance for human rights is either viewed as treasonous act, or as a sectarian bias. If you criticise both the Saudi-led Arab coalition air strikes and the Houthi-Saleh alliance forces, the supporters of both camps accuse you of supporting one side over the other. It’s us or them, both sides maintain; no middle ground.

Throughout my activism, it was easy for me to remain in that middle ground due to my mixed Ethiopian-Yemeni background which influenced my strong faith in fundamental human rights for all people, regardless of their color of skin, ethnicity, gender, religious belief, etc. Having myself lived some of the ugly consequences of the abuse of human rights, in my case, that is racism, I developed a great sensibility of Yemen’s identity politics. Today, I perceive how people's definition of their identities in Yemen - whether in line with tribal, sectarian or class-based affinities - is realigning itself along with the new political order.

***

Growing up in Yemen, a country with a strict hierarchical class system was not an easy thing, especially for someone like myself with mixed-ethnic identity. My story, like the story of many multi-ethnic Yemenis, goes back to the time when my two Yemeni grandfathers, frustrated by the economic and political situation, had a leap of faith and left Yemen to find a better life elsewhere.

Yemeni ports served as a conduit for migration. Due geographic proximity, the African horn was the destination for many migration waves coming from Yemen. Going east was also a popular destination for southeastern Yemenis. For my northern grandfathers Ethiopia was the choice of destination. They settled and married two Ethiopian ladies (my grandmothers) and had children (among them are my later-to-be my parents). It is estimated that there were 300,000 - 400,000 Yemenis in Ethiopia at that time. Following the revolution of 1962 in north of Yemen, the revolution of 1963 in its South and the dictatorship of Mengistu in their host country, many Yemeni migrants, including my grandparents, decided to go back to their home country in the 1970s. Some were forced to go back to Yemen by the emergence of communism in Ethiopia and its nationalisation policies that ripped them off the little wealth they worked hard to create, yet some were lured by the political change that had taken place at home. With a revolutionary perspective, Yemen’s former president, the late Ibrahim Al Hamdi was a key figure in calling on Yemenis abroad to return as he embarked on the road of nation building. Thus, my Yemeni-Ethiopian parents migrated back to Yemen.

by Sam Kalda

In Yemen’s class system, unlike the “Akhdam”, a degrading term used to describe a dark-skinned minority who are believed to be the descendants of Ethiopian invaders from the sixth century and who has been enduring a history of discrimination, I found myself located at the “Muwaladeen” categorisation, a term used to describe Yemenis born to foreign parents; the term was meant to racify the “half-Yemeni”, thus I struggled with both an identity crisis and racism. The most problematic issue though was the interplay between racism and classism. Growing up in Sana’a where at school I had my first encounter with Yemen’s multiplex social structure, my classmates bragged about their different classes; such as, Qadi and Hashemite class. As a kid, I was most intrigued and struck by the latter.

Hashemite class claims direct descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, and many Hashemites see the superiority of their class above all outside their clan, and there has been a widespread concern among Yemenis that members of the Hashemite class, alongside with the Houthi movement, are fostering visions of restoring a religious imamite and resuming hierarchical supremacy. Families belonging to this lineage composes a form of nobility in Yemen, with many of them marrying only within their class. North-Yemen, once ruled by zaidi hashemite dynasties from the very same north where Houthis come from, was freed from their reign by a coup d’etat in 1962 against the last Imam, Mohammed Al Badr Bin Hamidaddin, establishing the Yemen Arab Republic. This resulted in a civil war between the royalists and the republicans which lasted until the end of the sixties.


In today’s context, it’s crucial to remember that the Imam used to be the supreme representative of the Shia Zaidi Hashemite class, ruling north of Yemen in their name; much like how the Houthi movement is currently claiming to represent the Shia Zaidis. The main concern now is whether the reign of the Houthis would reproduce the old hierarchical class system, from which Yemen has not been fully liberated in its fifty years of the republic.


Being part of two cultures, two settings and two forms of being problematised Yemen’s identity politics for me and my hybridity forced a rift between me and home. Nonetheless, it provided me with a critical outlook of political and social issues. Even more intensely today, as I live abroad, the vision I have towards Yemen is a vision of plurality. Thus, my Human Rights activism as a blogger since 2011 has been modeled by my belief in a Yemen that guarantees its citizens a social structure where they can live in with their cultural complexities and diverse identities & ethnicities that have been historically shaped by the decisions Yemenis have made.

***

Yemen in Sam Kalda's illustration

Although Yemen's complex political, social and cultural structures have managed to function as a fluid equilibrium on the surface, there have always been chronic identity tensions.

Until Yemen's 2011 uprising, these identity tensions were influenced by two major factors: the unification in 1990 and the aftermath of the civil war in 1994, resulting in major rifts between north and south. Some contend that one of the causes of the tensions was former President Ali Abdullah Saleh's forced seizure of the lands in the south, leading to discontent among southerners over his rule.

Another likely cause was when southerners realised that the new oil finds in the south that formed more than 40 percent of Yemen's reserves back then would have supported South Yemen's smaller population if they had not been seized by the north. Furthermore, during my personal observations in the country, there was a feeling in South Yemen, particularly among "de-tribalised" people, who felt that they should (re-)define themselves as tribes to be taken seriously by the new ruling system in the north.

Saleh's approach to leadership further complicated identity relations. His leadership was based on divide and rule and his tactics on prioritising the survival and benefit of his own family and tribe, deepening the rift between disparate groups and undermining the idea of a Yemeni national identity. For instance, prior to 2004, Saleh used to support the Islah party against the Houthis and vice versa. Even during Yemen's 2011 uprising, Saleh endeavoured to fragment the anti-government protesters by arguing that the mixing of male and female protesters was un-Islamic.


In today's context, as the country engages in one of its bloodiest civil wars, there is a realignment taking place simultaneously on two levels: a reconfiguration of power and identities. Firstly, it is fuelled by the new reality where yesterday's adversaries are today's allies. After enduring six wars between 2004 and 2010 that led to the death of their founder-leader at the hands of Yemeni security forces under Saleh's rule, Houthis have formed an alliance with their old oppressor, Saleh.

Considering that Saleh used to be Saudis' ally in the fight against Houthis' revivalist movement for Zaydism through those six wars, today he is turning the tables, siding with Houthis not only to fight the Saudi-led coalition, but also to crush those who helped oust him in 2011. The reconfiguration of identity relations is perhaps the most troubling one - it shows itself as the violence on the ground has been mobilised based not on simple binary distinctions, but rather, on a complex and ambiguous process.

by Sam Kalda

While Yemen's biggest richness in diversity is its people and needs to be celebrated, in the light of the civil war, it has become the base of multifaceted local cleavages. For instance, in Houthi-owned media, there were reports on Houthi-Saleh militiamen calling the southerners "The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL) supporters" to strip them of their "Yemeniness" in order to justify killing them. This has caused a great polarisation where southerners in Aden and Taiz mainly cheer for the Saudi-led air strikes against the Houthi forces, whereas people in Sanaa feel political allegiances based on ideological and class agenda.

Since Sanaa has become the headquarters of Houthi rule, locals point out that the capital city tends to exhibit animosity against the Saudi-led coalition and the south - not only because it's moving in line with Houthis' stance, but also because of the historical tensions between the north and the south.

The rise of the Houthi movement represents a major reconfiguration of identity politics in the country. As people are pushing themselves into a new formalised identity group, viewing what's at risk for them in the violence, they find it difficult to identify with others who used to be of like-minded groups. And yet, they engage - consciously and subconsciously - in a continuous process of negotiating differences and antagonisms at the social and political level. Thus, the concept of a "Yemeni nation" is being redefined. While the prospect of witnessing a comeback of two Yemen(s) is debatable, it's certain that the country's north will look completely different.

The longer the war drags on, the greater the polarisation.

One can argue that this has been the case since 2007, with the emergence of the secessionist movement - which by itself showed that no civil nationalist identity exists in Yemen. Still, I would argue that it's been the case since the unification in 1990, when a combination of nation-building and the integration of the north and the south has been nothing but a failure.The current realignment is more significant than the revolution itself in 2011, which only proposed a new desultory reality.
Yemen is being transformed through a drastic change, where Yemen's agencies in the private and political spheres are under transformation as well.


For my “Muwaledeen” family members across Yemen, they are still surviving and few of them had to flee back to Ethiopia, to the old home. “History repeats itself” tells me my cousin from Addis Ababa.

–––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––

*A brief version of this essay was originally published on Al Jazeera English. 

Yemen at War: Worthy vs. Unworthy Victims

A guard on Monday, June 15, walks past a home destroyed by Saudi-led airstrikes in San’a, Yemen. Pic/KHALED ABDULLAH/REUTERS

*Four months on and the war in Yemen still raging fiercely. Across the country, there have been over 19,000 casualties - people killed and injured - as a result of the increased violence, and the number of displaced has grown to over 1.2 million. These numbers continue to rise alarmingly as I write. Yemen, this devastated place, torn by the violence has victims unfairly perceived and treated as unworthy by all warring sides. No place in the world should allow victims to be unworthy.

Looked in more details, different sides in the conflicts have different worthy and unworthy victims.

This is not to underestimate the aggression coming from other sides whatsoever, but rather for the sake of chronicling the violent episodes in Yemen’s ongoing conflict, the Houthis’ aggression comes first. Citizens in the southern part of Yemen in particular have been treated as unworthy victims by the Houthi movement’s militias and its ally, the ousted former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh’s forces since they started bombarding president, Abdurabu Mansour Hadi’s house and Aden airport on the 19th of March in Aden (before what we all know today as the start of the Saudi-led airstrikes on Yemen). After Hadi fled the country, Houthi/Saleh’s forces started targeting people in the south systematically on the pretext that they are takiris and al Qaeda in the south of Yemen, then they shifted their propaganda to state they were fighting ISIS (Da’ash). All these slogans have ripped off southerners’ worthiness in the eyes of the Houthi/Saleh’s forces. At the same time, Houthis mastered stressing on local and international media alike how the Saudi-led coalition is murdering its own citizens in northern Yemen while overlooking their atrocities in the south. For Houthis, the victims of the Saudi-led airstrikes are the only worthy respect and attention victims. On the other side, southern resistance fighters perceive and treat Houthi victims as nothing but unworthy, why? because the antagonism has reached irreversible point. It’s astonishing how these stances are remote from any moral principle.

More importantly, despite its fragile status, the state, the Yemeni republic of the people has been the greatest unworthy victim by Houthis attempted coup d'etat against president, Hadi in September, last year. Houthis have been cracking down on its dissidence, which includes Hadi himself, ever since their expansion from Sa’adah to Sana’a in July last year. Specifically, since September, 2014, there have been dozens, if not hundreds, of civic activists, journalists, human rights defenders across Yemen who got harassed, abducted and tortured - some to death - by the Houthi militias in their own bloody purge.

Yemeni fighters of the southern separatist movement and firefighters attempt to extinguish a flame at an oil refinery in the port city of Aden on June 27, 2015, following shelling by Houthi rebels. Fire erupted at Aden's oil refinery when rebels shelled the nearby port to prevent a Qatari ship carrying aid for Yemen's devastated second city from docking. Pic/Saleh Al-Obeidi / AFP / Getty

Without giving any justification to the Saudi-led airstrikes campaign, which was initiated with the blessing of Yemen’s president Hadi himself, the airstrikes came as a reaction to Houthis’ already existing violence. On the 26th of March, the Saudi-led coalition, consisted of 11 Arab countries decided to bomb Yemen, while the other 11 Arab countries stood and watched in silence. The coalition’s aim was to restore president Hadi’s legitimacy, viewing Hadi as its only worthy victim and who deserved to remain safe in the palm of comfort in Riyadh in KSA. Are the strikes effective way to solve problems? of course not and more importantly they have led to a situation that is nothing but disastrous. As the Saudi-led coalition keep on claiming firing its airstrikes only against military points, the strikes’ horrifying collateral damage say one thing that Yemeni citizens are unworthy victims of these strikes, in the name of restoring a president’s legitimacy. 

For those who escaped the violence and became refugees at the shores of Somalia, Djibouti and elsewhere, they have been treated as unworthy victims in so many levels. Dozens of accounts by Yemeni refugees show how they were ill-treated and disrespected. Young Yemeni men are piling up at the gates of the Saudi borders facing extreme and random conditions to allow them entry. A relative I have was sent back to Yemen after she miraculously managed to escape to Sudan. Another relative I have was stuck in a refugee camp in Sudan for days while being mistreated, witnessing loads of violations against the human rights of these refugees. Miraculously, my relative made it to Ethiopia. For all Yemenis fleeing the violence, what the future holds for them is totally uncertain. It must be clear though, for a country to shut its doors against humans escaping death is another form of violence.

All these victims’ sufferings represent an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe. In Yemen, millions are facing the threat of famine because food assistance is not reaching them. People on the ground have been reporting how Houthi/Saleh forces in Aden are using food and medicine as a weapon of war, ‘I watched them turning back truck loads of flour trying to enter the city,’ describes journalist, Iona Craig.

Even worse, while more than 15 million are in need of basic health care, countless wounded are dying because hospitals are closing down due to lack of fuel. As a result of the total disruption by the war of all basic services an estimated 20.4 million people in Yemen are in need of potable water. Diarrhea’s prevalence – as well as risks of cholera, malaria and worm infestations – have all skyrocketed. The World Health Organisation said last month that more than 3,000 Dengue cases have been reported in Yemen since March, adding that the actual figure could be far higher.

While the suffering of Yemenis continue, there has been a humble global solidarity action that is trying to challenge the Saudi hegemony of media narrative about the situation in Yemen. Even though the momentum is not huge, it is the only matter that makes Yemenis still believe in our shared sense of humanity. Nonetheless, I urge everyone showing sympathy to Yemenis suffering to not only condemn the atrocities committed by the Saudi-led coalition but also to condemn the atrocities committed by the Saleh and Houthis’ forces. Don’t prioritise atrocities coming from one side over the other; violence exhibited from all sides should be condemned. For those who are in solidarity with the people in Yemen, make it clear that all victims in Yemen are worthy of peace and stability.


Yemen appreciates all the global solidarity actions but what Yemen is desperately in need of is the action of those in the international community with influence on the parties in the conflicts. Since the beginning of the war, the international community’s silence has been the loudest sound Yemenis hear. It’s time to break the silence about the violence in Yemen affecting all sides’ victims.

In the meantime, all parties allowing Yemen's humanitarian catastrophe to deepen longer are committing inhuman acts that may reach crimes against humanity.

*This piece was originally published in YourMiddleEast.com

Notes: Human Rights Council's 29th Session - Yemen Side Event

As the war in Yemen continues and there seems no end at sight, bringing peace to Yemen is increasingly becoming a mission impossible. Three months on the start of the Saudi-led airstrikes campaign in Yemen that intended to dislodge the Houthis and bring back legitimacy to president Hadi, the warring parties have been both reluctant to admit that they are not winning the war, and reluctant to rethink proceeding the war given the tragic humanitarian situation people in Yemen are enduring. The failing of the Geneva's peace talk, or whatever it was described with, proved that peace in Yemen is far from happening anytime soon.

Nonetheless, grassroots groups and civic agents' advocacy and pressure work is crucial in influencing relevant organisations to act in a more informed way which could assist the advancement of peace-making process. That's why I'm glad to be taking part in a side-event at the Human Rights Council in Geneva during its 29th Session. I'm thankful for the Gulf Centre for Human Rights for extending me the invitation. 

As I'm sitting at the UN's office in Geneva, at the council's main hall now, and writing this post, and surrounded by more than 46 nations' representatives speaking about various stressing aspects of human rights in different countries, I remembered the speech given by Yemen's human rights minister, Ezzaldin al Asbahi a couple of days ago. 

Even though Yemen's HR minister's speech at #HRC29 2dy wz moving, it was unbalanced; given his governmental stance http://t.co/tt72Ptvw5y

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 18, 2015

He delivered his talk here and all these nations listened to his partial speech. The minister talk focused only on the atrocities committed by the Houthis/Saleh's forces especially at the south part of Yemen. He neglected, or rather overlooked the atrocities committed by the Saudi-led airstrikes and even how some nations closed doors on the face of Yemenis who want to escape the violence and survive. How can we ask the world to act more for Yemen, while it's this ill-informed about the reality for millions of Yemenis affected by all sides of the fight in Yemen.

Later on, I'll be speaking at the side event, with the hope to influence relevant international actors to act more and hopefully be more well-informed. I'll keep you posted with how it goes... may all this advocacy work help in advancing the peace we all are desperate to have. 

Yemen's Peace Talks - Congrats, you have an all male panel!

Keep on excluding women, "half" of the society, and you'll end up with "half" peace, idiot patriarchal male politicians! #yemen

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 15, 2015

To continue the conversation about my previous blog post, the low, if not the non-existence of women's participation, in Yemen's peace talks in Geneva, and inspired by Congrats, you have an all male panel!, this post comes to light.

UN Special Envoy for Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed (L) meets the Group of Sixteen Ambassadors during a preparatory meeting on the eve of the Geneva Consultations on Yemen at the European headquarters of the UN, in Geneva, Switzerland, on June 14, 2015. ––>

The Yemeni foreign minister Reyad Yassin Abdulla, right, and minister for human rights Ezzedine Al Asbahi, second right, on the opening day of peace talks at the United Nations European headquarters in Geneva on June 15, 2015. ––>

Notes: Low Female Political Participation in Geneva's Peace Talks

Only one woman participant in Geneva's peace talks. She's a representative from the GPC. Why not have equal gender participation! #yemen

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 15, 2015

Yemeni women hv been affected by the bloody war as much as all men hb; then, thr should be no reason 2 marginalise them in the peace talks.

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 15, 2015

Keep on excluding women, "half" of the society, and you'll end up with "half" peace, idiot patriarchal male politicians! #yemen

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 15, 2015

If we marginalize women jst coz they're being used 4 docrative reasons, then,1. get th competent ones! 2. get ride of the decrotive males 2!

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 15, 2015

Not extravagant topic 2 discuss th importance of women's equal participation in Geneva's talks; it's abt having sustainable peace! #yemen

— Afrah Nasser (@Afrahnasser) June 15, 2015 

شاهد فيديو : بنت شيبان احد المقاتلات في مأرب

Posted by ‎اخبار الساعة‎ on Monday, June 15, 2015

One of Marib province's female militants, according to ––>.

"Yemenis search for survivors under the rubble of houses in the old city of Sana’a, following an overnight Saudi-led airstrike"––>

"People carry the body of a man they uncovered from the rubble of houses destroyed by Saudi airstrikes in the old city of Sanaa, Yemen, on June 12, 2015." ––>

Yemen Heritage Site Affected by Air Strike

June 12, 2015 – I think this is the most gruesome and graphic images I have ever seen throughout my blogging work on documenting violations in Yemen since 2011. The old city of Sana'a is not only a World Heritage site, but it's a symbol of pride and Yemeni identity for many Yemenis, if not all Yemenis. The sadness over its damage was not felt among Yemenis alone but also among every foreigner who has ever been there and admired every inch of that ancient living beauty. Overall, ancient heritage sites across Yemen, in Taiz, Aden, Marib, and God knows where else too, have also been gravely affected by the ongoing fight. Damaging these sites is as appalling as killing living souls. 

Before and after the destruction of some of the buildings. 

A 50 Year Memory of War Surgery in Yemen

Yemen's Historical Sites Affected by Saudi-Led Airstrikes

Culture Ministry: Several houses in the Old City of #Sanaa were affected by today's raids on Defence Complex. #Yemen pic.twitter.com/u98jcHfCCl

— Yemen Updates (@yemen_updates) June 9, 2015

Before and After: Marib Dam in Yemen, before and after the destruction #Yemen http://t.co/vBe3meeDl2 pic.twitter.com/K3Rdg78tea

— Middle East Eye (@MiddleEastEye) June 10, 2015

"One of the grandest engineering marvels of the ancient world—the Great Dam of Marib in central Yemen—has been damaged in an airstrike.

Ancient Marib was the capital of the wealthy caravan kingdom of Saba (biblical Sheba, home of the legendary queen), which thrived during the first millennium B.C. Along with remains of the Great Dam, considered the most important ancient site in Yemen, excavations of the Sabaean capital have revealed two elaborate pre-Islamic temple precincts dedicated to Almaqah, the chief deity of the kingdom.

Thousands of inscriptions identified in Marib are providing researchers with an unusually detailed insight into the kingdom’s laws, institutions, and details of everyday life.

Over the past several weeks, fighting between Shiite Houthi rebels and forces loyal to Yemeni president Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, with support in the air by a Saudi Arabian coalition, has escalated around the modern city of Marib, the center of the country’s oil and electrical facilities located just a few miles from the ancient capital. (Understand the various players in Yemen’s current crisis.)" -National Geographic. 

Intense Fighting Takes its Toll on Taiz

Taiz, Yemen - Footage from last month

"Taiz has witnessed some of the most intense fighting in Yemen’s three-month conflict and still sees regular clashes and civilian fatalities. It had a pre-war population of more than 600,000, but no one knows how many remain........Keeping cool in Taiz in sweltering conditions is a challenge. The temperature has risen to 37 degrees in recent days and much of the city has no electricity.

There is also a chronic shortage of fuel – caused in large part by a Saudi-Arabian-led naval blockade. This, in turn, has led to desperate water shortages as the diesel-fuelled pumps lie idle.

Cases of dengue, diarrhoea and other water-related diseases have spiked, while across the country, malnutrition cases have increased by 150 percent as prices of wheat and other staples have doubled," -Irinnews.

Yemen: A war against civilians?

"Two months of ongoing conflict is affecting an increasing number of civilians in Yemen. Despite last week’s ceasefire, an embargo against fuel and basic necessities, along with the damage and destruction of roads, ports and airports, has led to a drastic limit on the possibilities for humanitarian organisations to provide assistance. In Aden, access to health facilities for injured people is extremely difficult because of roadblocks set up by the various armed groups, some in uniform, others not. But uniforms do not mean a lot in a country where the remnants of the national military forces are nothing more than another fighting faction among others. Whomever they originate from, these actions have the same consequence: making life impossible for civilians......." 

-Doctors without Boarders. 

Hope for Yemen

Art work by Yemeni artist, Mazher Nizar. 

Human Rights Watch: Cluster Munitions Harm Civilians

Banned cluster munitions have wounded civilians including a child in attacks in Houthi-controlled territory in northern Yemen....Increasing evidence of cluster munition use raises concerns not just for civilians now, but for when the fighting is over.." -HRW.